WASHINGTON -- For an administration in political trouble, the distraction of a high-profile foreign visitor often serves as a welcome respite. But today's visit by Iraq's controversial Deputy Premier Ahmed Chalabi is hardly that.
Mr. Chalabi's planned meetings with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Treasury Secretary John Snow and national security adviser Stephen Hadley have heightened the debate swirling around the administration's use of intelligence to make the case for war against Iraq.
Mr. Chalabi -- a former Iraq exile closely linked to much of the now-discredited intelligence -- seems focused on refurbishing his image in Washington and boosting his possible candidacy for prime minister. Iraqis are scheduled to elect a new government Dec. 15.
Senior U.S. officials admit privately that they would like to keep his profile as low as possible on this trip. "This was his idea, not ours," said one U.S. official, who requested anonymity when commenting on Mr. Chalabi's trip.
The official said Mr. Chalabi would receive the same treatment as did a less flamboyant Iraqi politician also making the rounds in Washington this week, Vice President Adil Abd al-Mahdi. Mr. al-Mahdi's meeting yesterday with Ms. Rice was closed to the news media.
But keeping Mr. Chalabi out of the limelight has never been easy. This afternoon, for example, he is scheduled to give a speech at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, on the future of democracy in Iraq.
Congressional Democrats, some of whom assert that their votes three years ago in favor of invading Iraq were based at least in part on the intelligence linked to Mr. Chalabi, are pressing him to come to Capitol Hill to answer questions about that issue.
Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., sent Mr. Chalabi a letter signed by himself and 17 other Democratic House members asking for a meeting "to discuss his role in manipulating the intelligence that led to war with Iraq."
Rep. George Miller, D-Calif., issued a statement yesterday calling on the Senate and House intelligence committees to subpoena Mr. Chalabi for testimony "about his role in providing false intelligence about Iraq and leaking U.S. secrets to Iran."
Mr. Chalabi's trip to Washington comes just a few days after he met with Iranian leaders, and he has done little to dampen speculation that he is carrying a secret message from Tehran.
Last year, allegations were raised that he passed on to Iran classified information that the United States had broken the messaging code for Tehran's intelligence service. An inquiry by the FBI into the allegations is pending.
Chalabi's visit comes at a time when his political ship has hit rough waters back home. His popularity remains low among the Iraqi public, and he has quit -- some accounts say he was forced out -- of the United Iraqi Alliance. That group, dominated by Shiite Muslims, won the most National Assembly seats in January's election and is favored in the vote next month.
Mr. Chalabi has cast his lot with the tiny monarchist party and a collection of independents, which does not bode well for his electoral prospects. But Mr. Chalabi's camp still believes that he can work the nascent political system to install himself in the country's top job after December's election.
Mr. Chalabi and his followers are not expected to win more than a few seats in the National Assembly. But if Mr. Chalabi is nimble enough, he could ally with the electoral bloc that will pick the next prime minister. And in the post-election wheeling and dealing, Mr. Chalabi might have the opportunity to seize the office.
Speaking to reporters in Baghdad last week, Mr. Chalabi said that, contrary to pundits' expectations, his reception in Washington would prove that he could deal successfully with the Bush administration. "I believe there was no wall of ice between me and Washington," he asserted.
