Paradox 1: In 1998, jobs offered by the regions businesses
(payroll jobs) grew 1.5 percent (16,300 jobs) to 1,091,200 total jobs - the largest number
of jobs this region has had ever - and the unemployment rate fell from 5.0 percent to 4.5
percent (4,700 fewer persons unemployed out of the 57,400 unemployed in 1997).
Yet despite that vibrant impression of economic reality, official statistics also
indicate that the number of persons in the labor force with jobs fell imperceptibly last
year (0.1 percent or 1,600 fewer working) and the regions labor force fell 0.6
percent (6,400 persons). Why is Pittsburghs labor force shrinking and why are fewer
people working when the economy is growing?
Paradox 2: Anecdotal evidence flies fast and furious from the mouths of politicians,
policy wonks and the public at large that Pittsburghs youth cant find good
jobs upon graduation - that we are losing our future to faster growing regions which offer
more job opportunities and are arguably perceived as more dynamic places to live.
Meanwhile anecdotes are swapped just as widely of the general difficulty among many
regional employers to find suitably skilled workers. How can Pittsburgh be facing a lack
of job opportunities and a dearth of capable workers, simultaneously?
What explains these apparent contradictions?
a) The statistics are wrong. When asked about paradox 1, economists expressed
disbelief, especially of the labor force numbers. Mark Zandi, RFAs chief economist,
pointed out that the data draws on a pretty small sample of the population and that its
accuracy erodes with distance from the last census year.
Furthermore, PNC Banks Stuart Hoffman points out that while trends in the labor
force and payroll jobs measures agree when examined over many years, they can be out of
sync and appear contradictory for short periods. Given the growth of payroll jobs and the
falling unemployment rate, we should expect some labor force growth. And already, data for
March 1999 shows a 1.1 percent growth in the labor force over March 1998.
b) The rhetoric of anecdotes misleads and exaggerates the truth. Emotional tales of our
sons and daughters flight to greener pastures resonate in the retelling. But
ignored are the stories of those who remain gainfully employed and of other new hires who
bring fresh ideas and energy from beyond the regions borders.
Anecdotes offer powerful messages, but rigorous analysis and accurate statistical
measures are critical to sort fact from fiction.
c) Demographics I - The labor markets task of replacing its retirees is hampered
by the fewer workers of the baby bust generation, according to Zandi. Since
Pittsburghs population tends to be older than other regions, the problem is
amplified here. So the labor force shrinks even though jobs are being created.
The baby boom echo will soon reverse one side of this trend, though its full impact is
nearly 10 years away. Until then, these demographics are likely to aggravate labor
shortages. Generally, demographic trends can not be altered significantly, if at all, with
local policies. However, it is necessary to be aware of the extent of their impact. And in
some cases, policies may help on the margin, for example, by encouraging hiring or
retaining older employees.
d) Demographics II & III - Low rates of foreign in-migration into Pittsburgh is
cited by Roberta Wilson, a Pennsylvania labor market analyst, as a hindrance to faster
labor force growth. Also, she points to a national slowing in the trend of rising labor
force participation by women. Both trends impair labor force growth in the region.
Foreign immigrants follow friends and relatives. Pittsburgh could seriously consider a
policy of establishing new or reintroducing old pipelines of migratory flows from other
countries. Not on ly could it begin to ease the tightening labor market, but it could
increase demand for the regions older housing stock.
e) Labor mismatch - Jobs offered by local companies and the skills available from local
workers do not correspond. In a dynamic economy, the types of jobs available are
constantly changing. Anticipating and communicating employers needs can speed local
responses for job switches and timely retraining, but when all else fails, labor mobility
will send local residents packing and local employers searching outside the region.
f) Information disconnect I - Searching for jobs and employees is a costly process for
both workers and business. If it is poorly managed, it reduces the success for both
parties. Improving the flow of information around the job search process can be
facilitated by local policy efforts that take advantage of centralized information bases
that no one individual or company could create or access on their own.
Recent efforts in Pittsburgh and Allegheny County are considered a model for the state
in developing a one-stop center for its career link effort, accord ing to Rob Rogers,
executive director of the Commission for Workforce Excellence.
g) Information disconnect II - Although individuals have strong incentives to learn
valuable skills for the work place and employers have strong incentives to ensure their
own supply of trained labor, arguably their most crucial factor of production, the
necessary connections sometimes fail to be made.
Ralph Bangs, a University of Pittsburgh researcher, suggests employers need to take
more initiative to anticipate their own needs and work with area training schools and
organizations. Wilson points out the need for mentoring of younger workers to help them
establish goals, to establish realistic expectations of a job and to learn the value of
temporary jobs for gaining work experience.
h) Poor quality jobs do not attract workers. In a 1997 study by the University Center
for Social and Urban Research at the University of Pittsburgh, 64 percent of employed
Allegheny County residents worked full time, full year and earned at least $6.10 per hour
in 1997 dollars. The other 36 percent of jobs were considered "poor quality."
These are not the kind of jobs likely to attract people to enter the labor force or move
to the region.
The PG Benchmarks data, using a different measure, show Pittsburgh with the lowest rate
of growth in "good jobs" at 1.1 percent. The region does better when comparing
the share of good jobs created to total jobs created from 1993 through 1998 - 35.3 percent
for 11th place.
i) Recruitment efforts of employers are sometimes inadequate in times of tight labor
markets and their problems are sometimes overstated. A 1991 Pitt study found that some
employers fail to broaden recruitment efforts and raise wages as labor market conditions
demand, that they exaggerate their job openings in public statements and harbor
unrealistic skill expectations.
Employers false expectations and recruitment mishaps spawn misleading anecdotes
and fuel the labor mis match.
j) Economic competition I - Rapidly growing regions sport more job openings and the
appearance of more opportunity. However the odds of actually getting a job may be lower
since far more people are competing for the jobs in the hyped markets. Still, the relative
differences in numerical opportunities create images that detract from Pittsburgh and fuel
the contradictions.
Pittsburghs annual job growth rate was 1.1 percent from 1993 through 1998 - the
lowest among the 15 metro areas. Most local policy makers would have us change both the
reality and the hype, creating faster job growth and improving the regions image.
But theory suggests that these changes would increase competition in the labor market and
reduce opportunities for home-grown talent - highlighting a contradiction in goals that is
routinely overlooked. Do we want to help local businesses or help local residents?
k) Economic competition II - Real disadvantages for skilled workers exist with other
areas that offer some combination of higher wages, lower cost of living or nicer
amenities. This form of competition becomes more widespread and more difficult to overcome
when labor markets are tight. For while Pittsburghs unemployment rate is low, other
metropolitan regions are experiencing extremely tight labor markets which drives salary
packages higher.
Pittsburghs 4.5 percent annual unemployment rate compares unfavorably to the
other 14 metro areas based on preliminary data. The unemployment rate in Minneapolis-St.
Paul fell to 1.9 percent in 1998; only Miami with 5.8 percent had a higher rate than
Pittsburghs.
l) All of the above. Unraveling the layers of complex relationships that form these two
basic contradictions is not simple. All of these factors play some part; none should be
held out as the definitive answer and no response the definitive solution.
Remedying the problems embodied in these job and labor force paradoxes would benefit
from a thoroughly reasoned analysis drawing on the insights ofthese analysts and others.